Wednesday, July 1, 2015

The “I” and the “Me”- George Herbert Mead

George Herbert Mead

George Herbert Mead (1863–1931), American philosopher and social theorist, is often classed with William James, Charles Sanders Peirce, and John Dewey as one of the most significant figures in classical American pragmatism. Dewey referred to Mead as “a seminal mind of the very first order” (Dewey, 1932, xl). Yet by the middle of the twentieth-century, Mead's prestige was greatest outside of professional philosophical circles. He is considered by many to be the father of the school of Symbolic Interactionism in sociology and social psychology, although he did not use this nomenclature. Perhaps Mead's principal influence in philosophical circles occurred as a result of his friendship with John Dewey. There is little question that Mead and Dewey had an enduring influence on each other, with Mead contributing an original theory of the development of the self through communication. This theory has in recent years played a central role in the work of Jürgen Habermas. While Mead is best known for his work on the nature of the self and intersubjectivity, he also developed a theory of action, and a metaphysics or philosophy of nature that emphasizes emergence and temporality, in which the past and future are viewed through the lens of the present. Although the extent of Mead's reach is considerable, he never published a monograph. His most famous work, Mind, Self, and Society from the Standpoint of a Social Behaviorist, was published after his death and is a compilation of student notes and selections from unpublished manuscripts.

1. Life and Influences

George Herbert Mead was born on February 27, 1863, in South Hadley, Massachusetts. His father, Hiram Mead, a minister in the Congregational Church, moved his family from Massachusetts to Ohio in 1869 in order to join the faculty of The Oberlin Theological Seminary. At Oberlin he taught homiletics and held the chair in Sacred Rhetoric and Pastoral Theology. Mead would attend Oberlin College from 1879–1883, and matriculate at Harvard from 1887–1888. At Harvard he studied with Josiah Royce, a philosopher deeply indebted to G.W.F. Hegel, who also left a lasting impression on Mead. (Mead met William James at Harvard, although he did not study with him. Almost immediately after graduation, Mead resided in William James's summer home tutoring his son Harry.) Mead's mother, Elizabeth Storrs Billings, was a devoutly religious woman, who taught at Oberlin for two years after the death of her husband in 1881, and served as president of Mount Holyoke College from 1890–1900. After his college years, Mead became a committed naturalist and non-believer, but he had struggled for years with the religious convictions that he had inherited from his family and community. For a period of time after college he even considered Christian Social Work as a career, but 1884 he explained in a letter to his friend Henry Castle why this career path would be problematic.
I shall have to let persons understand that I have some belief in Christianity and my praying be interpreted as a belief in God, whereas I have no doubt that now the most reasonable system of the universe can be formed to myself without a God. But notwithstanding all this I cannot go out with the world and not work for men. The spirit of a minister is strong with me and I come fairly by it (Shalin 1988, 920–921).
Mead did indeed move away from his earlier religious roots, but the activist spirit remained with him. Mead marched in support of women's suffrage, served as a treasurer for the Settlement House movement, immersed himself in civic matters in Chicago, and generally supported progressive causes. Jane Addams was a close friend. In terms of his transformation into a naturalist, no doubt Darwin played a significant role. As a matter of fact, one can understand much of Mead's work as an attempt to synthesize Darwin, Hegel, Dewey's functionalist turn in psychology, and insights gleaned from James. Mead taught with Dewey at the University of Michigan from 1891–1894, and when Dewey was made chair at the University of Chicago in 1894, he requested that Mead receive an appointment. Mead spent the rest of his career at Chicago. But before he began teaching at Michigan, Mead was directly exposed to major currents of European thought when he studied in Germany from 1888–1891, taking a course from Wilhelm Dilthey and immersing himself in Wilhelm Wundt's research.

2. Language and Mind

Dewey and Mead were not only very close friends, they shared similar intellectual trajectories. Both went through a period in which Hegel was the most significant philosophical figure for them, and both democratized and de-essentialized Hegelian ideas about the self and community. Nevertheless, neo-hegelian organic metaphors and notions of negation and conflict, reinterpreted as the problematic situation, remain central to their positions. The teleological also remains important in their thought, but it is reduced in scale from the world historical and localized in terms of anticipatory experiences and goal oriented activities.
For Mead, the development of the self is intimately tied to the development of language. To demonstrate this connection, Mead begins by articulating what he learned about the gesture from Wundt. Gestures are to be understood in terms of the behavioral responses of animals to stimuli from other organisms. For example, a dog barks, and a second dog either barks back or runs away. The “meaning” of the “barking gesture” is found in the response of the second organism to the first. But dogs do not understand the “meaning” of their gestures. They simply respond, that is, they use symbols without what Mead refers to as “significance.” For a gesture to have significance, it must call out in a second organism a response that is functionally identical to the response that the first organism anticipates. In other words, for a gesture to be significant it must “mean” the same thing to both organisms, and “meaning” involves the capacity to consciously anticipate how other organisms will respond to symbols or gestures. How does this capacity arise? It does so through the vocal gesture.
A vocal gesture can be thought of as a word or phrase. When a vocal gesture is used the individual making the gesture responds (implicitly) in the same manner as the individual hearing it. If you are about to walk across a busy street during rush hour, I might shout out, “Don't walk!” As I shout, I hear my gesture the way in which you hear it, that is, I hear the same words, and I might feel myself pulling back, stopping in my tracks because I hear these words. But, of course, I don't hear them exactly as you do, because I am aware of directing them to you. According to Mead, “Gestures become significant symbols when they implicitly arouse in the individual making them the same responses which the explicitly arouse, or are supposed to arouse, in other individuals” (MSS, 47). He also tells us that, “the critical importance of language in the development of human experience lies in this fact that the stimulus is one that can react upon the speaking individual as it reacts upon the other” (MSS, 69).
As noted, Mead was indebted to Hegel's work, and the notion of reflexivity plays a fundamental role in Mead's theory of mind. Vocal gestures—which depend on sufficiently sophisticated nervous systems to process them—allow individuals to hear their own gestures in the way that others hear them. If I shout “Boo” at you, I might not only scare you, I might scare myself. Or, to put this in other terms, vocal gestures allow one to speak to oneself when others are not present. I make certain vocal gestures and anticipate how they would be responded to by others, even when they are not present. The responses of others have been internalized and have become part of an accessible repertoire. (Mead would agree with Ludwig Wittgenstein that there are no private languages. Language is social all the way down.) According to Mead, through the use of vocal gestures one can turn “experience” back on itself through the loop of speaking and hearing at relatively the same instant. And when one is part of a complex network of language users, Mead argues that this reflexivity, the “turning back” of experience on itself, allows mind to develop.
Mentality on our approach simply comes in when the organism is able to point out meanings to others and to himself. This is the point at which mind appears, or if you like, emerges…. It is absurd to look at the mind simply from the standpoint of the individual human organism; for, although it has its focus there, it is essentially a social phenomenon; even its biological functions are primarily social (MSS, 132–133).
It is by means of reflexiveness—the turning back of the experience of the individual upon himself—that the whole social process is thus brought into the experience of the individuals involved in it; it is by such means, which enable the individual to take the attitude of the other toward himself, that the individual is able consciously to adjust himself to that process, and to modify the resultant of that process in any given social act in terms of his adjustment to it. Reflexiveness, then, is the essential condition, within the social process, for the development of mind (MSS, 134).
Mind is developed not only through the use of vocal gestures, but through the taking of roles, which will be addressed below. Here it is worth noting that although we often employ our capacity for reflexivity to engage in reflection or deliberation, both Dewey and Mead argue that habitual, non-deliberative, experience constitutes the most common way that we engage the world. The habitual involves a host of background beliefs and assumptions that are not raised to the level of (self) conscious reflection unless problems occur that warrant addressing. For Dewey, this background is described as “funded experience.” For Mead, it is the world that this there and the “biologic individual.”
The immediate experience which is reality, and which is the final test of the reality of scientific hypotheses as well as the test of the truth of all our ideas and suppositions, is the experience of what I have called the “biologic individual.”…[This] term lays emphasis on the living reality which may be distinguished from reflection…. Actual experience did not take place in this form but in the form of unsophisticated reality (MSS, 352–353).

3. Roles, the Self, and the Generalized Other

One of the most noteworthy features of Mead's account of the significant symbol is that it assumes that anticipatory experiences are fundamental to the development of language. We have the ability place ourselves in the positions of others—that is, to anticipate their responses—with regard to our linguistic gestures. This ability is also crucial for the development of the self and self-consciousness. For Mead, as for Hegel, the self is fundamentally social and cognitive. It is to be distinguished from the personality, which has non-cognitive dimensions. The self, then, is not identical to the individual and is linked to self-consciousness. It begins to develop when individuals interact with others and play roles. What are roles? They are constellations of behaviors that are responses to sets of behaviors of other human beings. The notions of role-taking and role playing are familiar from sociological and social-psychological literature. For example, the child plays at being a doctor by having another child play at being a patient. To play at being a doctor, however, requires being able to anticipate what a patient might say, and vice versa. Role playing involves taking the attitudes or perspectives of others. It is worth noting in this context that while Mead studied physiological psychology, his work on role-taking can be viewed as combining features of the work of the Scottish sympathy theorists (which James appealed to in The Principles of Psychology), with Hegel's dialectic of self and other. As we will discover shortly, perspective-taking is associated not only with roles, but with far more complex behaviors.
For Mead, if we were simply to take the roles of others, we would never develop selves or self-consciousness. We would have a nascent form of self-consciousness that parallels the sort of reflexive awareness that is required for the use of significant symbols. A role-taking (self) consciousness of this sort makes possible what might be called a proto-self, but not a self, because it doesn't have the complexity necessary to give rise to a self. How then does a self arise? Here Mead introduces his well-known neologism, the generalized other. When children or adults take roles, they can be said to be playing these roles in dyads. However, this sort of exchange is quite different from the more complex sets of behaviors that are required to participate in games. In the latter, we are required to learn not only the responses of specific others, but behaviors associated with every position on the field. These can be internalized, and when we succeed in doing so we come to “view” our own behaviors from the perspective of the game as a whole, which is a system of organized actions.
The organized community or social group which gives to the individual his unity of self may be called “the generalized other.” The attitude of the generalized other is the attitude of the whole community. Thus, for example, in the case of such a social group as a ball team, the team is the generalized other in so far as it enters—as an organized process or social activity—into the experience of any one of the individual members of it (MSS, 154).
For Mead, although these communities can take different forms, they should be thought of as systems; for example, a family can be thought of systemically and can therefore give rise to a generalized other and a self that corresponds to it. Generalized others can also be found in
concrete social classes or subgroups, such as political parties, clubs, corporations, which are all actually functional social units, in terms of which their individual members are directly related to one another. The others are abstract social classes or subgroups, such as the class of debtors and the class of creditors, in terms of which their individual members are related to one another only more or less indirectly (MSS, 157).
In his Principles of Psychology, a book Mead knew well, William James discusses various types of empirical selves, namely, the material, the social, and the spiritual. In addressing the social self, James notes how it is possible to have multiple selves.
Properly speaking, a man has as many social selves as there are individuals who recognize him and carry an image of him in their mind. To wound any one of these his images is to wound him. But as the individuals who carry the images fall naturally into classes, we may practically say that he has as many different social selves as there are distinct groups of persons about whose opinion he cares. He generally shows a different side of himself to each of these different groups (James 1890, 294).
From Mead's vantage point, James was on the right track. However, the notion of audience is left undeveloped in James, as is the manner in which language is utilized in the genesis of the self and self-consciousness. For Mead, James's audiences should be thought of in terms of systemically organized groups, such as we find in certain games, which give rise to generalized others. Further, we need an account of how we come to view ourselves from the perspective of these groups that goes beyond the concept of “sympathetic attachments.” Such an account involves reflexivity, which originates with the vocal gesture and is essential to taking roles and the perspective of the generalized other. In addition, reflexivity helps make possible the capacity to “see” ourselves from ever wider or more “universal” communities. Mead relates the latter capacity to cosmopolitan political and cultural orientations. It's worth noting that for Mead a full account of the self should address the phylogenetic as well as the ontogenetic.

4. The “I” and the “Me”

One of Mead's most significant contributions to social psychology is his distinction between the “I” and the “Me.” It's worth emphasizing that while this distinction is utilized in sociological circles, it is grounded philosophically for Mead. His target, in part, is no less than the idea of the transcendental ego, especially in its Kantian incarnation. It is also important to note that the “I” and “Me” are functional distinctions for Mead, not metaphysical ones.
The self that arises in relationship to a specific generalized other is referred to as the “Me.” The “Me” is a cognitive object, which is only known retrospectively, that is, on reflection. When we act in habitual ways we are not typically self-conscious. We are engaged in actions at a non-reflective level. However, when we take the perspective of the generalized other, we are both “watching” and forming a self in relationship to the system of behaviors that constitute this generalized other. So, for example, if I am playing second base, I may reflect on my position as a second baseman, but to do so I have to be able to think of “myself” in relationship to the whole game, namely, the other actors and the “rules” of the game. We might refer to this cognitive object as my (second baseman) baseball self or “Me.” Perhaps a better example might be to think of the self in relationship to one's family of origin. In this situation, one views oneself from the perspective of the various sets of behaviors that constitute the family system.
To return to the baseball example, one may have a self, a “Me,” that corresponds to a particular position that one plays, which is nested within the game as an organized totality. This self, however, doesn't tell us how any particular play may be made. When a ball is grounded to a second baseman, how he or she reacts is not predetermined. He reacts, and how he reacts is always somewhat different from how he has reacted in the past. These reactions or actions of the individual, whether in response to others or self-initiated, fall within the “sphere” of the “I.” Every response that the “I” makes is somewhat novel. Its responses may differ only in small ways from previous responses, but they will never be absolutely the same. No catch in a ball game is ever identical to a previous catch. Mead declares that, “The ‘I’ gives the sense of freedom, of initiative. The situation is there for us to act in a self-conscious fashion. We are aware of ourselves, and of what the situation is, but exactly how we will act never gets into experience until after the action takes place” (MSS, 177–178). The “I” is a “source” of both spontaneity and creativity. For Mead, however, the “I” is not a noumenal ego. Nor is it a substance. It is a way of designating a locus of activity.
The responses of the “I” are non-reflective. How the “I” reacts is known only on reflection, that is, after we retrospect.
If you ask, then, where directly in your own experience the “I” comes in, the answer is that it comes in as a historical figure. It is what you were a second ago that is the “I” of the “me.” It is another “me” that has to take that rôle. You cannot get the immediate response of the “I” in the process (MSS, 174).
In other words, once the actions of the “I” have become objectified and known, by definition they have become a “Me.” The status of the “I” is interesting in Mead. In trying to differentiate it from the empirical, knowable, “Me,” he states, “The ‘I’ is the transcendental self of Kant, the soul that James conceived behind the scene holding on to the skirts of an idea to give it an added increment of emphasis” (MSC in SW, 141). However, this statement should not to be interpreted as endorsing the notion of a transcendental ego. Mead is seeking to emphasize that the “I” is not available to us in our acts, that is, it is only knowable in its objectified form as a “Me.” This point is clarified by a remark that directly follows the statement just cited. “The self-conscious, actual self in social intercourse is the objective ‘me’ or ‘me's’ with the process of response continually going on and implying a fictitious ‘I’ always out of sight of himself” (MSC in SW, 141). A transcendental ego is not fictitious. But for Mead, since we are dealing with a functional distinction here, it is quite acceptable to refer to the “I” as fictitious in metaphysical sense.
Why, then, do we seem to experience what Mead refers to as a “running current of awareness,” that is, an ego that appears to be aware of itself as it acts and thinks, if the “I” is not immediately aware of itself (SS in SW, 144)? William James sought to explain this phenomenon in terms of proprioception and the relationship between “parts” of the stream of consciousness. (James 1890, 296–307; James 1904, 169–183; James 1905, 184–194). Mead developed a unique explanation based on the relationship of the “I” to the “Me.” As we have seen, the “I” reacts and initiates action, but the actions taken are comprehended, objectified, as a “Me.” However, the “Me” is not simply confined to the objectifications of the immediate actions of the “I.” The “Me” carries with it internalized responses that serve as a commentary on the “I's” actions. Mead states, “The action with reference to the others calls out responses in the individual himself—there is then another ‘me’ criticizing, approving, and suggesting, and consciously planning, i.e., the reflective self” (SS in SW, 145). The running current of awareness, then, is not due to the “I” being immediately aware of itself. It is due to the running commentary of the “Me” on the actions of the “I.” The “Me” follows the “I” so closely in time that it appears as if the “I” is the source of the “running current of awareness.”
Freud's super-ego could be conscious or unconscious. One might think of the “Me” as similar to the conscious super-ego in the commentary that it provides, but one would have to be careful not to carry this analogy too far. For Mead, the “Me” arises in relationship to systems of behaviors, generalized others, and, therefore, is by definition multiple, although the behaviors of various “Me's” can overlap. Further, Freud's model assumes a determinism that is not inherent in the relationship of the “I” to the “Me.” Not only does the “I” initiate novel responses, its new behaviors can become part of a “Me.” In other words, “Me's” are not static. They are systems that often undergo transformation. This will become more apparent in the next section when we discuss Mead's ideas regarding emergence. In this context it is enough to suggest the following: when a ballplayer makes a catch in a manner that has never been made before—that is, makes a play that is significantly different from prior catches—the new play may become part of the repertoire of the team's behaviors. In other words, the play may alter the existing generalized other by modifying existing behavioral patterns. In so doing, it gives rise to a modified or new self because the game as a whole has been changed. Once again, this may be easier to see in terms of the transformations that take place in families when new reactions occur as children and adults interact over time. New selves are generated as family systems are transformed.

5. Sociality, Emergence, and The Philosophy of the Present

We have seen that the “I” introduces novelty in actions and in the interactions between human beings. For Mead, novelty is not a phenomenon that can be accounted for in terms of human ignorance, as it can for a determinist such as Spinoza. In the Spinozistic framework, even though everything in nature is determined, as finite modes we must remain ignorant of the totality of causes. In principle, however, an infinite Mind could predict every event. Mead, following in the footsteps of Darwin, argues that novelty is in fact an aspect of the natural world, and that there are events that are not only unpredictable due to ignorance, but are in principle impossible to predict. In the latter category, for example, we find mutations that help to give rise to new species, as well as the creative responses of baseball players, musicians, composers, dancers, scientists, etc.
In The Philosophy of the Present—a compilation based on the Carus Lectures delivered in late 1930 in Berkeley—Mead outlines his thoughts on nature and time. Mead did not have the opportunity to develop his ideas into a book. (He passed away early in 1931.) In spite of the fact that these lectures were hurriedly written due to obligations that he had as chair of the University of Chicago's philosophy department, they contain ideas that illuminate his earlier work and indicate the direction of his thought. On the first page of the lectures we are told that “reality exists in a present” and that we do not live in a Parmenidean cosmos (PP, 1). “For a Parmenidean reality does not exist. Existence involves non-existence: it does take place. The world is a world of events” (PP, 1). Our world is one in which change is real and not merely a subjective, perceptual, phenomenon.
It seems to me that the extreme mathematization of recent science in which the reality of motion is reduced to equations in which change disappears in an identity, and in which space and time disappear in a four dimensional continuum of indistinguishable events which is neither space nor time is a reflection of the treatment of time as passage without becoming (PP, 19).
The universe doesn't just spin its wheels and offer motion without real novelty. Part of the impetus behind The Philosophy of the Present was to argue against an interpretation of space-time, such as Hermann Minkowski's, which eliminates the truly novel or the emergent. Emergence involves not only biological organisms, but matter and energy, for example, there is a sense in which water can be spoken of as emerging from the combination of hydrogen and oxygen.[1] Nevertheless, biological examples appear best suited to Mead's approach. It's worth noting at this juncture that Mead had always been keenly interested in science and the scientific method. However, as a pragmatist, the test of a scientific hypothesis for him is whether it can illuminate the world that is there. He certainly was never a positivist.
As mentioned, Mead is a systemic thinker who speaks of taking the perspectives of others and of generalized others. These perspectives are not “subjective” for Mead. They are “objective” in the sense that they provide frames of reference and shared patterns of behavior for members of communities. (This is not to say that every human community has an equally viable account of the natural world. This is in part why we have science for Mead.) However, it is not only human perspectives that are objective for Mead. While it is true that only human beings share perspectives in a manner that allows them to be (self) conscious about the perspectives of others, there is an objective reality to non-human perspectives. How can a non-human perspective be objective? In order to answer this question, a few general remarks about Mead's notion of “perspective” are in order. First, it is important to note that perspectives are not primarily visual for Mead. They are ways of speaking about how organisms act and interact in environments. In the words of David Miller,
According to Mead, every perspective is a consequence of an active, selecting organism, and no perspective can be built up out of visual experiences alone or out of experiences of the so-called secondary qualities. A perspective arises out of a relation of an active, selective, percipient event and its environment. It determines the order of things in the environment that are selected, and it is in nature….We make distinctions among objects in our environment, finally, through, contact (Miller 1973, 213).
Mead has been referred to as a tactile philosopher, as opposed to a visual one, because of the importance of contact experience in his thought. Perspectives involve contact and interaction between organisms and their environments. For example, a fish living in a certain pond can be thought of as inhabiting an ecosystem. The way in which it navigates the pond, finds food to eat, captures its food, etc., can be spoken of as the fish's perspective on the pond, and it is objective, that is, its interactions are not a matter of the subjective perceptions of the fish. Its interactions in its environment shape and give form to its perspective, which is different from the snail's perspective, although it lives in the same waters. In other words, organisms stratify environments in different ways as they seek to meet their needs (Miller 1973, 207–217). The pond, in fact, is not one system but many systems in the sense that its inhabitants engage in different, interlaced interactions, and therefore have different objective perspectives. The fish, of course, does not comprehend its perspective or localized environment as a system, but this doesn't make its perspective subjective. Human beings, given our capacity to discuss systems in language, can describe the ecology of a pond (or better, the ecologies of a pond depending on what organisms we are studying). We can describe, with varying degrees of accuracy, what it is like to be a fish living in a particular pond, as opposed to a snail. Through study we learn about the perspectives of other creatures, although we cannot share them as we can the perspectives of the language bearing members of our own species.
For Mead, as noted, systems are not static. This is especially evident in the biological world. New forms of life arise, and some of them are due to the efforts of human beings, for example, the botanists who create hybrids. Mead argues that if a new form of life emerges from another form, then there is a time when the new organism has not fully developed, and therefore has not yet modified its environmental niche. In this situation the older order, the old environment, has not disappeared but neither has the new one been born. Mead refers to this state of betwixt and between as sociality.
When the new form has established its citizenship the botanist can exhibit the mutual adjustments that have taken place. The world has become a different world because of the advent, but to identify sociality with this result is to identify it with system merely. It is rather the stage betwixt and between the old system and the new one that I am referring to. If emergence is a feature of reality this phase of adjustment, which comes between the ordered universe before the emergent has arisen and that after it has come to terms with the newcomer, must be a feature also of reality (PP, 47).
Sociality is a key idea for Mead and it has implications for his sociology and social psychology. If we think of the “Me” as a system, then there are times when the “I” initiates new responses that may or may not be integrated into an existing “Me.” But if they come to be integrated, then there is a time betwixt and between the old and new “Me” system. What makes this all the more interesting is that at the level of human interactions we have a capacity for reflection. We can become aware of changes that are taking place and even anticipate new “Me's” that may come into being. We can even set up conditions to promote changes that we believe may transform us in certain ways. Or to put this in another light, new problems are bound to arise in the world, and because of our capacity for sociality, we can get some purchase on the courses of action available to us as we reflect on the novel problems confronting us. Of course, because the problems are novel means that we do not have ready solutions. However, the capacity to at times “stand” betwixt and between old and (possible) new orders, as we do between old and new social roles, provides us with some opportunity for anticipating alternatives and integrating new responses. As a matter of fact, Mead links moral development with our capacity for moving beyond old values, old selves, in order to integrate new values into our personalities when new situations call for them.
To leave the field to the values represented by the old self is exactly what we term selfishness. The justification for the term is found in the habitual character of conduct with reference to these values.…Where, however, the problem is objectively considered, although the conflict is a social one, it should not resolve itself into a struggle between selves, but into such reconstruction of the situation that different and enlarged and more adequate personalities may emerge (SS in SW, 148) (emphasis added).
It's worth noting here that Mead did not develop an ethics, at least not one that was systematically presented. But his position bears a kinship to theorists of moral sentiment, if we understand “the taking the perspectives of others” as a more sophisticated statement of sympathetic attachments. It is important to emphasize that for pragmatic reasons Mead does not think that the idea of compassion is sufficient for grounding an ethics. He argues for a notion of obligation that is tied to transforming social conditions that generate pain and suffering.[2]
Returning to Mead's notion of sociality, we can see that he is seeking to emphasize transitions and change between systems. This emphasis on change has repercussions for his view of the present, which is not to be understood as a knife-edge present. In human experience, the present arises from a past and spreads into the future. In a manner reminiscent of James's account of the stream of thought, Mead argues that the present entails duration (James 1890, 237–283). It retains the receding past and anticipates the imminent future. Yet because reality ultimately exists in the present, Mead argues that the historical past, insofar as it is capable of being experienced, is transformed by novel events. History is not written on an unchanging scroll. Novelty gives lie to this way of seeing the past. By virtue of its originality, the novel event can not be explained or understood in terms of prior interpretations of the past. The past, which by definition can only exist in the present, changes to “conform” to novel events.
It is idle, at least for the purposes of experience, to have recourse to a “real” past within which we are making constant discoveries; for that past must be set over against a present within which the emergent appears, and the past, which must then be looked at from the standpoint of the emergent, becomes a different past. The emergent when it appears is always found to follow from the past, but before it appears it does not, by definition, follow from the past (PP, 2).

6. Concluding Comments on Determinism and Freedom


Mead's account of the “Me” and the generalized other has often led commentators to assume that he is a determinist. It is certainly the case that if one were to emphasize Mead's concern with social systems and the social development of the self, one might be led to conclude that Mead is a theorist of the processes of socialization. And the latter, nested as they are within social systems, are beyond the control of individuals. However, when one considers the role of the “I” and novelty in his thinking, it becomes more difficult to view him as a determinist. But his emphasis on novelty only seems to counter determinism with spontaneity. This counter to determinism in itself doesn't supply a notion of autonomy—self-governance and self-determination—that is often viewed as the “essence” of the modern Western notion of the subject. However, Mead was a firm booster of the scientific method, which he viewed as an activity that was at its heart democratic. For him, science is tied to the manner in which human beings have managed from pre-recorded times to solve problems and transform their worlds. We have just learned to be more methodical about the ways in which we solve problems in modern science. If one considers his discussions of science and problem solving behavior, which entail anticipatory experience, the reflexivity of consciousness, the sharing of perspectives and their objective reality, and the creativity of the “I,” then one begins to see how Mead thought that our biological endowments coupled with our social skills could assist us in shaping our own futures, as well aid us in making moral decisions. He did not work out the details of this process, especially with regard to moral autonomy and the “I's” role in it.[3] There is, however, little doubt that he thought autonomy possible, but the condition for its possibility depends on the nature of the self's genesis and the type of society in which it develops.

Thursday, June 25, 2015

Political Leadership among Swat Pathans -Fredrik Barth

Reading notes for Fredrik Barth:
Political Leadership among Swat Pathans

Fredrik Barth is a Norwegian scholar, whose life and career has taken him throughout the world.  He was born in Germany and his early education was in Norway.  After receiving an M.A. at the University of Chicago in 1949, he began doctoral studies at the London School of Economics under Edmund Leach.  He did fieldwork in Swat from February to November, 1954, with funding from the Royal Norwegian Research Council.  While Barth was in the field, his advisor Leach was appointed to a lectureship at Cambridge University.  Barth followed him there, where he completed his doctoral thesis, "The Political Organization of Swat Pathans" in 1957.  He indicates that this monograph, published in 1959, is "essentially identical" to the dissertation.  [For details on Barth's subsequent career, see Ahmed Afzil's project site.]

The Swat Valley is a narrow, lush agricultural valley in the western extension of the Himalayas, in the Northwest Frontier District of Pakistan, bordering on Afghanistan.  At the time of Barth’s study in the early 1950s, its densely-settled population was Islamic, although it was sufficiently Hinduized that caste was a salient principle (at least as a secular hierarchy of occupations).  Controlling the land and Valley politics were the Pakhtuns, comprising about 20% of the total population.  They were warriors and administrators, and all non-Pakhtuns, except the Saints, were clients and working tenants of the Pakhtuns.  The Pakhtun chiefs collected rents of 3/4 to 4/5 of tenant harvest, which they used [in the absence of a commercial market for grain] in hospitality, gifting, and lending The Saints were a complementary elite, basing their status on Islamic virtues of piety, learning, and sanctity.

Like The Nuer, this monograph is a study of politics in a zone of anarchy and acephalous structure, a "land of freedom and rebellion" (133).  Here it was arable land, not cattle, that was sought and contested.  Barth, too, found a social structure of segmentary branching and balanced oppositions.  However, his view of politics was diametrically opposed to E-P's.  He opens with R-B's famous definition of the political system in African Political Systems, but his own formulation followed Isaac Schapera's critique that emphasized leadership as the basis of politics.  Barth is interested in choice and decision-making in the formation, actions, and changes of hierarchical groups of a leader and followers in a shifting field of similar groups.  Leadership and followership must be constantly performed, and enacted.  Thus, as David Jacobson observes, E-P formed his Nuer monograph around chapters on the structural planes of Nuer "politics," but Barth's book is framed by chapters on leaders, followers, and alliances.

In a sense, Barth is still concerned with the longstanding British anthropological theme of social order and how it is insured, like Gluckman and E-P and others.  He puts it more directly as a matter of personal security—how a Valley resident can secure for himself and his family a house, land, and the support of others.  But for Barth, this order is not to be sought in the normative structure of society but in the strategic patterns of interaction.  His interest is not in structural imperatives, nor in structural contradictions but in human intention.  He does not look for systemic function but for personal gain.


Expository logic of the book

Barth announces that “the main purpose of the present study is to give a descriptive analysis of the political system of Swat, with special reference to the sources of political authority, and the form of organization within which this authority is exercised” (1).  After introductory (1) and background (2) chapters, Barth lays out the “component parts” of the political system (chapters 3-6), then shows how these bases of authority combine to define the position and followings of the chiefs (chapter 7) and the saints (chapter 8).  Then he moves to the “second main step in the synthesis”—that of showing “how combinations and oppositions of these smaller groups create the actual political organization of the valley.”  This is subject of chapter 9, the longest of the chapters.  This is followed by an account (in chapter 10) of the emergence of a “native state” in Swat between 1917 and 1926 “within the pre-existing framework” and of how the state continues to rely upon that framework.  The book concludes with a brief statement of the complementary nature of chiefly and Saint political leadership.

1: Introduction

Barth’s starting point is skepticism about R-B’s definition of a political system as “the maintenance or establishment of social order, within a territorial framework, by the organized exercise of coercive authority through the use, or possibility of use, of physical force” (APS 1940:xiv).  Barth accepts Schapera’s criticism of this:

“In studying political organization… we have to study, in fact, the whole system of communal leadership and all the functions (as well as the powers) of the leaders; and in this context such activities as the organization or religious ceremonies or collective hunts, or the concentration and redistribution of wealth, are as relevant as the administration of justice and similarly significant for comparative purposes” (1956:218-219)

Barth identifies three "underlying frames of organization" (that he elaborates in chapter 3), and which he likens to the social structure of Raymond Firth’s distinction.  This formal social structure of Swat society was not unlike the Nuer, with segmentary lineages overlaying political locality relations.  But to him of greater importance was an informal political structure of (1) dyadic contractual ties between a single khan leader and his followers and (2) a kind of balance of power, a violent equilibrium, among the khan.  Politics was thus the maneuvering for advantage, "the art of manipulating these various dyadic relations so as to create effective and viable bodies of supporters" (p. 4).  That in turn required constantly making and reassessing choices, and shifting coalitions.

There had already been a state authority in the valley since the 1920s, the Wali of Swat.  Barth insisted that the Wali had to rely on traditional leadership patterns, although later (65) it turns out that thirty years before he ordered permanent land ownership (that is, no wesh redistribution)

2: General Ecology and Ethnology of Swat

Swat is a 120-mile-long valley setting.  The 400,000 densely-settled residents of the Swat valley are a group of Pashto-speaking Yusufzai Pathans.  There is intensive grain cultivation through capital-intensive artificial and natural irrigation. Land is valuable and is held in common by a lineage; each male adult has claim to a share of lineage land, which is subject to periodic reallotment (wesh).  Leadership is secured by land ownership but depends on lavish hospitality and reckless spending to hold a clientele.

3: Underlying Frameworks of Organization

Barth here returns to detail the three "underlying frames of organization" that he introduced in the introduction

1.  spatial/territorial: locality = Swat »» regions (13 @ 20-30,000) »» "local areas" »» village groups »» villages (@ 500-10,000) »» wards (@ 200-500, @ unit of admin and mosque) »» houses (@ 40-80 of economically-independent elementary families)

A village will thus have a diverse group of persons: Pakhtuns and their tenants, other rival Pakhtuns and their tenants, Saints and their tenants and dependents.  In each ward will be at least one men's house, the social, recreational, and political center

2.  castes (Qoum): roughly ten major patrilineal, hereditary, ranked occupational groups, conceptually endogamous, but without religious importance and not forming localized communities

3.  patrilineal descent groups (khel): segmentary but not corporate (23-30).  Although this is strictly true for only the 1/5 of valley residents who are Pakhtuns, their clients are aligned with their leader’s genealogy

4: Neighborhood, Marriage and Affinity

The above three frameworks are more or less ascriptive, but there were also another set of relations that were achieved—those of neighborhood and association and marriage and kinship.  The former are organized mainly through local associations for life-cycle rituals, and the latter by marriage contract.

Barth details in the chapter the teletole associations (all permanent residents of a ward who associate for Moslem life-cycle rituals—e.g., circumcision, marriage, funerals—providing mutual assistance) and marriage contracts and rituals.

5: Relations of Inequality and Authority

Barth turns here to the overtly “political” groups with more overtly political character, which also differ from above in being internally hierarchical and based on dyadic contractual relations with a leader. 

(a)  economic contracts—six main types, including land tenancy and agriculturalists and craft specialists

(b)  house tenancy contracts—i.e., landowners own houses in proportion to their land, so most villagers must rent

(c)  the men’s house—which serves as a meeting house and dorm

(d)  Saints and their followers—Saints are not leaders of men’s houses, but their followership is a structural equivalent.  Saints are expected to use their religious standing to keep/make peace, and for that they are given land by Pakhtuns.

The following chapter finishes setting the scene by describing the organization of local communities, and the subsequent chapters show how the leaders of these contractual groups manipulate their positions to build followings.

6:  Land Tenure and Political Relations Within Local Communities

This chapter, in effect, shows how the above principles of organization interconnect in a local framework, fundamentally tied by land.  See 65-67 for details of the wesh system, whose administrative machinery was the jirga or village assembly, right to speak in which was held by the landowners.  It is this chapter in which Barth really begins to describe political dynamics

69: ‘within such a framework of ideas, let us adopt, for a moment, the point of view of the non-landowners.”  He then analyzes their “choices” within constraints.

7: Authority and Following of Chiefs

The potential authority of chiefs derives predominantly from control of land.  “Though land they gain control over house tenants, occupational contract holders and land tenants, and other dependents; while from it they reap the profits which enable them to enlarge their followings by giving feasts and gifts in their men’s houses.  Furthermore, chiefs gain authority by defending their honor, particularly through blood revenge; but this activity is largely a personal matter and falls outside the field of alliance” (108)

The valley is divided into the “satisfied men” and the “hungry men.”  This is the context for the significance of hospitality and gifts.  A chief will give away hundreds of times the income necessary for his own family subsistence.

Generosity must be complemented by a leader’s reputation for bravado and impetuousness and a sense of honor and a willingness to revenge.  One speaks in the jirga for oneself but also for clients; thus, it is a political forum for demonstrating power and influence.  There was a strong value on personal honor, on defense of one's interests, impetuous bravery.  Feuds in defense of honor both require a following and give one the reputation to attract a following--for whom a khan leader can offer security, hospitality (men's house), and land.  Khan assemble clienteles of cultivator-tenants and craft specialists.  These khan, however, must necessarily compete with one another for followings and for land--thus there is some room for leverage for non-Pakhtun.  Thus, these ties are more contractual than merely dominant/submissive; they are that too, but Barth's point is that everyone is trying to maximize.

89-91: “the general form of a chief’s following”:  see this description


8: Authority and Following of Saints

He notes there are a great variety of Saints, ranging from recluses to minor landowners to headmen and rulers of villagers.  "A majority of saints live as minor landowners in villages dominated by chiefs" (95) Yet the category has very definite social meanings, and “the main sources of political influence and authority of Saints are their control of land, their role as mediators and their reputation for morality and holiness” (92). 

A  control of land (92-96):  In Cyrenaica, the Sanusi were given land along the borders, in a sense “outside” the structure; in Swat, the Saints instead are given the inferior land and the more difficult-to-control villages

B  their role as mediator or arbitrator (96-99)

C  their reputation for holiness and piety (99-102)

102-103: “the general form of a saint’s following”:  Barth describes this as a series of concentric circles, beginning with his close agnatic kin and dependents (land); then wider circles of the territory through which they are spread and his role as mediator is effective; out to the farther reaches of his reputation for holiness.


9: Alliances and Political Blocs

Note the logic of the book above.  In that sense, this chapter, the longest in the book, is really its central chapter, the “second main step in the synthesis”: “that of showing how the combination or opposition of these smaller groups creates the actual political organization of the valley.  This requires a description of the kinds of relationship which imply mutual political support, and, conversely, the kinds of structural situation that imply opposition between leaders” (104).

That is, the elemental unit is a leader and his followers (which is a “politically corporate group”), and “the striking feature of the political organization of Swat is the emphasis on free choice and contract.”  However, such units do not exist by themselves, but rather in combination;  in fact, they tend to be “aligned in two grand dispersed political divisions or blocs” (a gloss for dela suggested to him by Martin Southwold), which is itself the result of a series of alliances among local leaders, who consider themselves equals (unlike the blocs that are relations of leader-followers) of mutual assistance and strategic advantage. 

An alliance is a mutual support contract between two leaders; while Swat is acephalous and segmentary, there is none of the branching fusion and fission that E-P describes for the Nuer; these alliances are fixed and relatively permanent.  What develops then is a “two-party system” up and down the valley (106), although at the end of the book he claims that he has not been able to treat adequately the reasons why no more than two blocs develop (134).
108-109: discusses which categories of persons are apt to be rivals and which make typical allies.[Sharpest lines of cleavage are between close patrilineal kin; agnates are more often rivals and enemies than allies.]
115-118: on the hierarchy of public assemblies, which are the major forums for the wider blocs, including an actual case (117-118, which Jacobson also discusses) alliances are made betweenPakhtuns  . 
Barth goes on to consider the use of force and concludes with a section on “the position of leaders in the blocs” (124-126).  That is, the bloc is a political alliance of more-or-less equals; centralized control requires clientage, and thus structurally the blocs do not yield to a centralized Khanate.


10: History and Organization of Swat State

A “native state” emerged between 1917 and 1926 within the pre-existing framework and using (and continuing to use) this pre-existing structure of political leadership. Its ruler, an ex-"Saint" now with the title of the Wali, now controls the upper 2/3s of the valley; he is recognized by the British and treated roughly as the rajahs of British India.  Barth sees this as an unusual development, still vulnerable and tentative.

129-132:  Barth describes the formal organization of the Swat State and its three constituent units of administration, army, and taxation


11: Conclusion

In the brief, three-page conclusion, Barth turns to the two contrasting styles of leadership offered by the chiefs and the Saints, in which "pride, rivalry, and virility" are bases of chiefly reputation and admiration, and “moderation, reasonableness, and meekness” are authoritative qualities of Saints.  This leads, though, to a complementarity.  The followings of chiefs and Saints tend to cross-cut one another, but the two opposed blocs contain both kinds of leaders.

Barth closes by reiterating how different this pattern of persisting opposed blocs of chiefs and their followers is to the situational fissioning and fusing on multiple levels in other segmentary systems like the Nuer (whom he doesn’t cite here nor take up elsewhere in any detail).


Further Thoughts: On Nuer and Swat Feuding

Swat politics is the often violent, ever-tense competition among and within factional blocs.  "Honor" and "shame" are the culturally marked values of reputation.  Revenge is required of any challenges to honor, and revenge requires a response equal or greater to the rebuke.  Thus, there is a constant tendency toward escalation.  Serious challenges require blood revenge and blood revenge carried out begins a feud.

This raises the question of the similarities and differences between Nuer feuding and Swat feuding, or at least between E-P’s account and Barth’s.  To E-P, the feud is a means of maintaining equilibrium between local communities:

"the blood-feud may be viewed as a structural movement between political segments by which the form of the Nuer political system, as we know it, is maintained... The function of the feud... is therefore, to maintain the structural equilibrium between opposed tribal segments which are, nevertheless, politically fused in relation to larger units." (158-159)

David Jacobson notes about Barth that he "argues that a feud occurs not only as a defense of honor but also as a strategy of leadership.  He indicates tactics by which chiefs, through feuding, may enhance their prestige and attract followers.  It could be read as handbook of leadership stratagems for Swat Pathans, a manual on how to score points in the game of Pathan politics....These rules represent Barth's understanding of the working system; they are organizational, not normative, principles" (Jacobson 88).  [Perhaps if E-P had taken Barth's line of explanation, he would have focused more on the "bulls."]

Still, there are other 'rules of the game' that serve as rational checks that contain conflict and preserve a kind of dynamic equilibrium among the blocs, including:

·    as blocs grow larger, internal rivalries grow and sections hive off.
·    winners don't want to take in too many "absconders" from losing side
·    individual khan try to increase land holdings »»» use of violence »»» killings »»» revenge »»» growing number of enemies ("There is an upper limit to every chief's aggressiveness, since he must always keep the number of his enemies lower than the total force of his following" (1959)

·    the Saints as intermediaries (like the leopard-skin priests of Nuer): they are, in a sense, inverse khan

Metatheory - George Ritzer

Metatheory 

George Ritzer
A metatheory is a broad perspective that overarches two, or more, theories. There are many metatheories – positivism, post-positivism, hermeneutics, and so on – of importance in sociology and other social sciences. Two of the best known and most important are methodological holism and methodological individualism. Methodological holism takes as its basic unit of analysis, and focuses most of its attention on, “social wholes” such as social structures, social institutions, imperatively coordinated associations, and capitalism. It overarches such large-scale, macro-level theories as structural functionalism, conflict theory, and some varieties of neo-Marxian theory. Methodological individualism takes as its unit of analysis and focal concern individual-level phenomena such as the mind, self, action, accounts, behavior, rational action, and so on. It overarches a series of micro-level theories such as symbolic interactionism, ethnomethodology, exchange theory, and rational choice theory. There is a third, methodological relationism, that concerns itself with the relationship between social wholes and social individuals and overarches a series of theories that arose mainly in the 1980s to compensate for the micro- and macro-extremism of the two extant metatheories. Methodological relationism encompasses a number of largely American micro–macro theories and more European agency–structure theories.
A particularly useful term to use in thinking about metatheories is Thomas Kuhn's famous, albeit highly ambiguous and controversial, notion of a paradigm. In fact, a paradigm is broader than a metatheory because it encompasses not only theories, but also methods, images of the subject matter of sociology, and a body of work that serves as an exemplar for those who work within the paradigm (Ritzer 1975).
The social facts paradigm derives its name and orientation from the work of Émile Durkheim and his contention that sociology should involve the study of social facts that are external to and coercive over individuals. He distinguished between two broad types of social facts – material (now most commonly called social structures) and non-material (now usually called social institutions). The two major theories subsumed under this heading are structural functionalism and conflict theory, and to a lesser extent systems theory. The social definition paradigm derives its name from W. I. Thomas's “definition of the situation” (if people define situations as real, they are real in their consequences). Symbolic interactionism is a theoretical component of the social definition paradigm, as is ethnomethodology. Finally, there is the social behavior paradigm, adopting a focus on behavior from the psychological behaviorists, especially B. F. Skinner. Exchange theory and rational choice would be included in this paradigm.
The relatively narrow macro (social facts) and micro (social definition and social behavior) foci of extant paradigms led to the delineation of a more integrated sociological paradigm. Marx and his dialectical approach, especially to the relationship between the capitalists and proletariat on one side and the structures of capitalism on the other, are taken as the exemplar of this approach and this paradigm can be seen as encompassing the micro–macro and agency–structure theories mentioned above.
Metatheorizing can be seen as a specific form of metasociology that examines sociological theory. While sociological theorizing attempts to make sense of the social world, metatheorizing attempts to make sense of sociological theorizing. As with other forms of metastudy, reflexivity is a crucial component of sociological metatheorizing. All metatheorizing involves a high level of reflexivity, although the highest level of reflexivity is found among metatheorists.
Metasociology encompasses not only metatheorizing, but also meta-methods and meta-data-analysis. Meta-methods involves the reflexive study of the discipline's various methods, while meta-data-analysis takes as its subject a range of studies of a given phenomenon and seeks to gain an overall sense of them and to aggregate the data in order to come to a more general conclusion about a particular issue.
A wide variety of work can be included under the heading of sociological metatheorizing. What distinguishes this work is not so much the process of metatheorizing (it may vary greatly in a variety of ways), but rather the nature of the end products. There are three varieties of metatheorizing, largely defined by differences in their end products.
The first type, “metatheorizing as a means of attaining a deeper understanding of theory (Mu),” involves the study of theory in order to produce a better, more profound understanding of extant theory. Mu is concerned, more specifically, with the study of theories, theorists, and communities of theorists, as well as with the larger intellectual and social contexts of theories and theorists.
The second type, “metatheorizing as a prelude to theory development (Mp),” entails the study of extant theory in order to produce new sociological theory. Thus Marx's intensive (and critical) study of the theoretical work of economists like Adam Smith and David Ricardo, philosophers such as Georg Hegel and the Young Hegelians, utopian socialists such as Charles Fourier and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, and many others provided the basis for his own theory. More contemporaneously, the McDonaldization thesis is derived, at least in part, from a study of the theories of Max Weber, especially his theory of rationalization.
The third type, “metatheorizing as a source of overarching theoretical perspectives (Mo),” is oriented to the goal of producing a perspective, a metatheory, that overarches some part or all of sociological theory. Alexander's attempts to develop a “general theoretical logic for sociology,” as well as his later effort to develop a post-positivist approach, would both be examples of this third type of metatheorizing.
Although metatheorizing takes place in other fields, it is particularly characteristic of sociology. The prevalence of metatheorizing in sociology is rooted in the fact that sociologists deal with culturally diverse and historically specific subjects. This makes universal truth claims difficult or impossible. The failure to discover universal truths and invariant laws of the social world has informed many metatheoretical efforts. The clashes of multiple paradigms competing in the realm of sociological theorizing create a perfect condition for the emergence of metatheoretical discourse.
Social theory is embedded not only in academia but also in the larger society. As a result, there are a series of larger forces that impinge on, even control, it. Metatheorizing serves to alert theorists to the existence of these forces as well as to the need to resist them.
The coming of age of metatheorizing in American sociology can be traced to the collapse of the dominant social facts paradigm during the 1960s. That paradigm, especially its major theoretical component, Parsonsian functionalism, had dominated American sociology for more than two decades before it was seriously challenged by rival paradigms, as well as critics from a wide range of other perspectives. The emergence of a multiparadigmatic structure in sociology in the late 1960s reflected the growing disunity of the discipline and increasingly fragmented sociological research. There emerged a widespread feeling that sociology was facing a profound crisis. It was this sense of imminent disciplinary crisis that helped to invigorate meta-analyses of all types. At first, this took the form of what was, at the time, called the sociology of sociology. Later, metasociology had to overcome strongly negative views of the sociology of sociology as being dominated by minor studies of trivial aspects of the discipline. However, metasociology, especially metatheorizing, has survived, even prospered, as the sociology of sociology and its weaknesses have receded into history.
A more recent challenge and spur to metatheorizing is the rise of postmodern social theory. Since the latter involves an assault on rationality and the modern orientation and metatheorizing is both modern and rational, it has come to be questioned by postmodernists. On the other hand, postmodernism has provided metatheorists with a whole series of new tools and approaches with which to study theory.
One example is deconstruction, a form of textual criticism that scrutinizes the ways in which texts, including theoretical texts, are constructed. A deconstructionist takes a finished text and analyzes the ways in which various literary devices and strategies of argumentation are used to give the impression of a coherent whole.
One important deconstructionist technique is decentering. This can mean several things to metatheorists. First, it might mean moving away from according primacy to the author (especially one associated with the discipline's canon) and giving up on the objective of attempting to discern what an author “really” means.
Second, it can mean the end of the effort to get to the heart, or central meaning, of a theory. Rather, the objective might be to focus on more promising peripheral aspects of that theory. Certain passages of specific works often are presented in such a way that they are made to seem of central importance. Over the years, metatheorists have tended to emphasize those passages or to enshrine other passages as being of key importance. In this context, deconstructionism leads one away from the familiar passages and into ignored aspects of the theory or perhaps rarely read footnotes.
Third, it might be advisable to focus on an undecidable moment in the history of social theory and an analysis of some of the courses taken and, more importantly from the point of view of deconstructionism, not taken by social theory.
Fourth, an effort might be made to reverse the resident hierarchy, only to displace it. There is, for example, a clear hierarchy of schools of sociological theory and there is a tendency to devote most attention to the leading schools. This suggests that what metatheorists need to do is focus more attention on the most marginal of schools (this is another version of decentering) for their marginality may tell us a great deal about the theoretical system in which they exist. Furthermore, their very marginality may make them far easier to study than high-ranking theoretical perspectives. This is traceable to the fact that those associated with lower-ranking perspectives have little to hide, while thinkers linked with the premier schools have a vested interest in concealing things that may adversely affect their exalted status. Similarly, specific ideas have come to be seen as of central importance in every theoretical perspective. These ideas tend to come to the fore any time a given theory is examined or discussed. However, it is entirely possible that important ideas have been lost and a search for those marginal ideas could pay huge dividends.
However, the search for marginal schools, theorists, or ideas should not be turned into a routine or into a new, albeit reversed, hierarchy. Deconstructionism leads to the idea that all such routines, or hierarchies, need to be continually displaced. This prevents metatheoretical work from settling into any comfortable routines; any new construction immediately must be deconstructed.
It is this last aspect of deconstructionism that has the most important implications for metatheorizing. As modernists, most metatheorists have implicitly engaged in deconstruction, but almost always with the objective that they and/or those influenced by their work would engage in a process of reconstruction. This could involve the rebuilding of the theory they have just deconstructed or the use of the lessons learned to create an entirely new theoretical perspective. As modernists, most metatheorists would reject the idea of deconstruction in order to further deconstruct. Rather, they would be oriented to the modern view of progress toward the goal of the ultimate theoretical perspective, or truth about it. However, as with all modern notions, this seeks an end or closure of the theoretical “conversation” in the creation of that ultimate theory. The postmodern view is that the goal is not to end the conversation in some ultimate truth, but rather to continually deconstruct in order to keep the conversation going. Such an objective makes sense for metatheoretical work; in fact, it may be the raison d'être for such work. A round of metatheoretical work may be seen as merely the basis for the next one and not as aimed at some ultimate and conclusive objective. In these terms, metatheorizing may be seen as the exercise par excellence in keeping the theoretical conversation going.
While it is possible to look at postmodern theory as a threat to modern forms of metatheorizing, it also is possible to see it as offering an array of provocative new ideas that could be of great use to it and point it in a variety of new directions.
Related Entries: Deconstruction; Durkheim, Émile; Hermeneutics; Meta-Analysis; Positivism; Postmodernism; Postpositivisim; Theory Construction
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